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>From THE SPOTLIGHT May 10, 1993

NEWS BLACKOUT BY US PRESS

Cowardice of Media Obvious

Who's afraid of the Bilderbergers? You decide.

By Lawrence Wilmot

     New York City--Mainstream news organizations boastful about their
no-holds barred investigative exploits, have been strangely reluctant to
lift the blackout curtain hiding a major event: the Bilderberg group's
secret annual meeting for the world's most powerful financiers, industrialists,
and political figures.

     At the United Nations where 50 or more journalists gather for even a
routine conference, there was ironic laughter in the press room when this
populist newspaper's diplomatic correspondent raised a question about the
silence surrounding this conspiratorial conclave.

     "The Bilderbergers have been removed from our assignment list years ago
by executive order," said Anthony Holder, a former UN correspondent for the
[London] Economist, the leading international business weekly.

     "Our policy seems to be that if the Bilderbergers want to parley in
private, leave them alone," added Holder, now a reporter for the 'European'.

     The reason why this imperious assembly should be granted the sort of
secrecy for its deliberations the mass media would never accord to any
government--not even to Europe's reigning royalty--was, in the consensus of UN
correspondents, simple: "The Bilderbergers are too powerful and omnipresent to
be exposed," as French broadcaster Thierry de Segonzac put it.

SIMILAR VIEWS

     On Wall Street, experienced American economic analysts voiced similar
views.

     Says Michael Thomas, the patrician Wall Street investment banker who
has won wide acclaim as an author and as the Reagan-Bush era's most incisive
commentator: "If the Bilderbergers seem more publicity shy than ever, that is,
among other reasons, because their proposals, implemented by subservient
agencies such as the IMF [International Monetary Fund], have caused more mass
devastation in recent years than World War II ever did."

     Commercial news organizations have become more interested in managing
their own corporate debt and occasionally even sharing a financial coup with
successful speculators than in exposing the seamy realty of manipulated
markets, Thomas suggested.

     There is, moreover, concern among the megabankers and corporate
magnates that the worldwide tide of frenzied speculation "may end up eroding
the power of even such established economic elites as the Bilderbergers
themselves," Thomas, known among financial columnists as "the last truth
teller," told a Sun Radio news correspondent.

     For the present, however, the extraordinary influence wielded by the
Bilderberg elite is apparent even in the reluctance of some leading journalists
to discuss it.

     "We are barely aware of the [Bilderbergers'] existence, and we don't
report on their activities," asserted William Glasgow, the senior writer
responsible for covering such international organizations at 'Business Week.'

     Attempting to explain why his magazine, a leadng US business
publication, would avert its eyes from such a strategic, trend-setting event as
the Bilderberg conference, veteran newsman Glasgow sounded embarrassed: "Maybe
it is a question of cost cutting," he told a SPOTLIGHT interviewer. "After
all, we can't afford to cover everything, can we?"

>From THE SPOTLIGHT May 10, 1993


NEWS BLACKOUT BY US PRESS

Secret Bilderberg Meeting - Elite Cabal Decides Your Future

     The secret meeting of the Bilderberg group, which took place this year
in Greece, determined many of the headlines and news developments you will read
about in the coming months. But the Establishment media completely blacked it
out.

By James P. Tucker, Jr.


     VOULIAGMENI, Greece--Behind the guarded walls of the elite Nafsika
Astir Palace Hotel, situated high on a hill a few miles south of Athens, the
secret Bilderberg group plotted to exploit the rich natural resources of the
former Soviet Union and Indochina.

     Also high on the Bilderberg agenda is establishment of a new, huge
United Nations bureaucracy on the environment, so the industrialists can reap
immense profits from new technology to clean the world's air and water.

     They also celebrated the collaboration of one of their own, President
Bill Clinton.

     "It's really a direct message to us through the newspapers," said
Dwayne Andreas, referring to reports that Clinton promised to sign the Rio
Treaty, which calls for billions of American tax dollars to be circulated
around the world in the name of 'clean environment'.

     "Yes, and he's doing it early in his first term," said Andreas's
companion. "George [Bush] wanted to wait until his second term, make a few
changes to pacify the American right. Bill seems to understand that if certain
things go undone in a first term, there may be no second term."

     It was the first indication that there may have been a Bilderberg
"tilt" toward Clinton to punish Bush for stalling on the Rio Treaty and
resisting more new taxes after his broken pledge of 1990 turned into political
suicide.

LONGTIME MEMBER BUSH

     Bush is a longtime member of the Trilateral Commission, which also
holds annual closed-door meetings and has interlockng leadership with the
senior Bilderberg group. Clinton had been a Trilateralist for seven years and
was promoted to the Bilderberg in 1991. Thus, the world shadow government
owned both presidential candidates in a typical win-win race.

     If George [had had] a second term, he [might] have moved on health care
and new taxes, since he would not have worried about re-election. And he
certainly would have signed the Rio Treaty, possibly with a little political
posturing by insisting on nit-picking changes," Andreas said.

     "But we would not have fast action, as with Clinton," said the other.

     The Rio Treaty calls for establishing a UN commission on the
environment. Americans will pay most of a multibillion-dollar program to clean
the air and water, preserve topsoil and prevent erosion in undeloped countries.
The rationale is that Americans consume and pollute more than the rest of the
world.

     Adding a new UN agency to police the environment among once-sovereign
nations also advances the Bilderberg goal of turning the UN into a de jure--
rather than de facto--world government.

FOREIGN COMMANDER IN CHIEF

     Thus, Bilderberg also celebrated public acceptance of a permanent UN
army, in which Americans would fight under a foreign commander who would be
accountable only to the Security Council, not the president or Congress.

     They found it significant that Americans remaining in Somalia are
serving under a Turkish general under UN command and, contrary to the
Constitution, the president is not their commander in chief.

     There will be "more and more Somalias to help the world become
accustomed to UN supremacy," said one. "There must be at least five places on
earth so full of misery that we can break American hearts whenever we choose."

     There was much discussion of the fighting in Bosnia, but most Europeans
urged Americans to shun air strikes and simply enforce the economic embargo.

     "It would not be like Somalia, with few casualties and pictures of
soldiers feeding starving children," one said. "Planes will be shot down,
airmen will die. And if you get into ground action, there will be many
casualties."

     "You can't compare it to the Persian Gulf, either, where the terrain
made it easy to deploy an overwhelming force, bomb Iraq into rubble, take few
casualties and proclaim a great victory," said another. "Your people will not
see this as some sort of sporting contest."

AIR STRIKES IN BOSNIA

     Nevertheless, Bilderberg sources said Americans from the State and
Defense departments joined NATO Secretary-General Manfred Woerner in calling
for the UN to authorize air strikes.

     "There will be much for the UN forces to do in the years ahead, of the
type that will gain public acceptance for its role anywhere in the world,"
said another. "UN troops could go into Sudan with food supplies if we made an
issue of the people starving there and spread films of misery on the network
news."

     Bilderberg men expressed some nervousness about getting all West
European states to surrender their national sovereignty to a European super
state under the terms of the Maastricht Treaty but were confident the North
American Free Trade Agreement would be ratified. This too is important to the
Bilderberg goal of a world government.

     A third "regional government" is to be formed in the Pacific Rim, and
the UN is to be the seat of the world government.

     To exploit the natural resources of the former Soviet Union and in
Indochina, Bilderberg agreed to establish a "High Council" of 12 members. A
committee was named to select the 12.

     Members must be "of such status that they have instant access to heads
of state and parliamentary leaders throughout the world," a Bilderberg speaker
said.

     The 12 will pressure Western nations to send more and more billions to
the former Soviet Union. They will claim credit for this help in talking with
the leaders of the former Soviet republics.

     The 12 will demand of the republics the right, at an absurdly low
price, to extract oil, gold and other precious metals. "The gold in the
ground, the oil undrilled, do you no good," the 12 will argue. "Cooperating on
this will mean that we continue to use our influence to get more financial
assistance from the West."

     It is a typical Bilderberg project: Use public funds--the lion's share
coming from American taxpayers--to "pay" for the right to extract oil and
precious metals from the former Soviet Union and reap immense profits.

     The only barrier to exploiting the resources in Indochina is America's
refusal to "normalize" relations with Vietnam until the POW-MIA issue is
resolved.

     The Bilderbergers are considering urging the Vietnamese government to
take a dramatic step: Admit that some communist troops held some Americans
after the war ended and shot them all a few months later. Hanoi is to say,
under this scenario, that the officer who ordered the executions was shot as
punishment, it was done against the orders from the communist regime, that
Vietnam apologizes and wants normal relations.

     "It may take something dramatic like this," one said. Otherwise, the
issue may never go away."

     The Bilderberg group's concern is oil, not American soldiers being held
as slaves in filthy prison camps.


>From THE SPOTLIGHT May 10, 1993

BALL TALKS ABOUT PEROT

By James P. Tucker Jr.

     "I tried to reason with Perot," George Ball told a group of Bilderberg
colleagues sitting in a lush lobby a few steps down from the Nafsika Astir's
main lobby in Greece.

     "Of course, I was circumspect," said the under secretary of state for
presidents John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson.

     "I never used the word 'Bilderberg,' because I didn't want Ross to have
license to run around the country helping about some 'secret society' trying to
influence him.

     "No, I told Ross that we had a small, informal group of men influential
in government and business and that we met privately each year so we would
freely exchange ideas without worrying about tomorrow's headlines," Ball said.

     "How did he react, George?"

     "Well, I told Ross that I hoped he could join us, because we would
welcome his views. And do you know what the little bastard said to me?"

     Imitating his high-pitched, Texas-twang, Ball quoted Perot: "'You
boys don't want to hear my views; you want to impose your views on me. If any
of 'em have anything to tell me, tell 'em to call or write.'

     "Perot is a loose cannon, and we'd better leave him alone," Ball said.

>From The SPOTLIGHT May 10, 1093

BILDERBERG SUPER SECURITY CRACKED AGAIN

     SPOTLIGHT reporter Jim Tucker describes the difficulties he faced in
penetrating the heavily guarded Bilderberg meeting. The jobs of the hotel
staffers mentioned in this story have been changed to protect their identity.

By James P. Tucker Jr.


     VOULIAGMENI, Greece--Never has security been so extensive and yet had
so many holes. As a result, I was able to penetrate Bilderberg every night.
And I received oral reports from the "committee" daily. Sometimes they spoke
from notes as I made notes, which is why I am able to use so many direct
quotes.

     It was about 7 pm on Monday April 19 by the time I had checked into the
sister hotel, the Arion Astir Palace. But it was 2 am in Washington according
to my body clock, so I took a loving look at my bed, then headed outside.
There was still daylight, and there were no signs of security yet.

     I knew that in two days--on Wednesday--armed guards would surround the
Nafsika Astir Palace, barely 100 yards away. But tonight and tomorrow, I would
have free run of the place. It was time to "case the joint."

     About 30 yards to my right, as I faced the entrance to the Nafsika, I
observed a playground for children. I judged this to be my most likely
penetration point so I rehearsed. There was an entrance and I was able to walk
among the trees until I reached the far side of the Nafsika. By emerging at
that point, I was obviously a hotel guest enjoying a pleasant walk.

     Inside the Nafsika lobby, the first signs of the approaching Bilderberg
meeting greeted me: an L-shaped table holding computers manned by several young
women. Noticing that there were no documents to acquire, I feigned
indifference.

     Down about eight steps was a second lobby, lushly furnished with
chairs. There was not a soul in sight, so I took some photos. It was at this
location where I was to hear George Ball tell colleagues about approaching Ross
Perot.

BUSTLING

     Down a few more steps, which put me one full floor down, in a lounge, I
found a solitary hotel employee. I observed an open door across the room where
more Bilderberg staffers were bustling about.

     The employee spoke fluent English, and we talked about the important
"economic conference" that was to take place. I told him it was a group called
Bilderberg and something of its history. He was fascinated to learn exactly
who these people were. I gave him a copy of The SPOTLIGHT, which contained a
detailed story on the meeting. He read it completely, commenting from time to
time. I told him to keep the paper.

     "I am an American journalist, and I wrote that story, and I'm here to
find out what these characters are up to," I told him.

     "Don't take any chances for me; you will be fired if we are caught
collaborating," I continued. "Don't answer yet; you must think it over. But I
hope you will be my eyes and ears and, if safe opportunity arises, grab any
documents for me."

     Heavy silence.

     "Meet me for lunch or dinner tomorrow, at some safe place away from
here, and we can talk more freely," I said. "You will be my guest, of course."

     He remained silent, expressionless. Was I losing him? Would he be a
good company man and report my presence?

     He wrote something on a piece of paper and handed it to me. It was the
name and address of a restaurant in downtown Athens. Would I meet him there at
noon tomorrow? Of course I would.

     "Sir, my name is..."

     "Don't tell me; I don't want to know. That way, I couldn't give your
name even if they catch me and put me on the rack. I will call you 'Charlie.'
If you need to call me at the Arion, just identify yourself as 'Charlie from
New York.'"

     I took out a business card and wrote "Arion, room 410" on it and handed
it to Charlie.

COMMITTEE FORMED

     At noon the next day, we closed the deal. Charlie told me he would
form a "committee" and report daily. Did I have more SPOTLIGHTs? I gave him
all but two of the bundle in my briefcase. The other two would be left in the
hotel lobby when I departed early Sunday, my traditional calling card.

     "My boss is all for the staff helping you as long as we are discreet
and the Bilderberg people never know," Charlie said. "He was glad to get the
[Bilderberg] contract because it is a lot of money, but he was suspicious of
their demands for clearing any other guests out of the hotel and sealing  it off
with police. He said he thought it may be the Mafia.

     "I told him that you said they never meet at the same place twice, so
future business is not at risk."

     "I'm very glad and grateful to hear that," I said, "But we must be
careful anyway."

     It was agreed to hold daylight meetings at one of three quaint
restaurants about a mile down the hill from the Arion-Nafsika complex.

     To my surprise, he suggested that nighttime meetings be held at a bar
in the Arion, less than 100 yards from the scene of the crime.

     "Isn't that terribly risky?" I asked.

     "No, there is no commingling of the two staffs. When I walk into the
Arion in my business suit, I am another customer. As you know there are two
other groups meeting at the Arion now, and in the evening we will be just two
of many sitting around a table talking and taking notes."

     Of course, this arrangement was convenient, and the idea of talking to
sources right under Bilderberg noses amused me.

               * * * *

     The nightly penetrations were uneventful. I would stroll the beach
behind the Arion, in shirtsleeves, to a point where I could observe the
children's playground without being seen by police.

     Greek police heavily manned the main entrance to the Nafsika, of
course, and posted one officer at the outside footpath entrance to the
playground. But, utterly bored by so many uneventful hours, the cop would
stroll over to the main gate to chat a bit. As he headed that way, I would
slip in and begin my circuitous route to the opposite end of the Nafsika.

     Of these balmy evenings, even some Billderberg people were in
shirtsleeves, which nicely accounted for my lack of a name tag.

     With external security so heavy, Bilderberg people inside the Nafsika
relaxed. I deliberately kept at long range from Bilderberg staffers and
others, such as Henry Kissinger, who might recognize me. (I once went eyeball
to eyeball with Kissinger about Bilderberg and have confronted him and David
Rockefeller a number of times.)

     Still, as has been their rule in recent years, Bilderberg men would
never let their documents leave their hands, never carelessly leave a paper on
a table.

     At Thursday's penetration, I nursed a beer at the downstairs bar across
from the Bilderberg office. The room was empty, except for the bartender and
one Bilderberg staffer at a deesk just outside their office.

     I had earlier noted through the open door that there were no people
inside the office, and no one had entered in the hour I had been sitting there.

     I kept the Bilderberg staffer in my peripheral vision so she would not
feel that she was being observed. She seemed somewhat agitated and made two
phone calls. Moments later she darted into the ladies' room. Once the door
was closed behind her, I grabbed the only two papers on her desk, slipped them
into my briefcase and began my journey to the Arion.

          It turned out to be the first page of an alphabetical listing of
Bilderberg participants and a separate page listing Bilderberg staff.

     The participants listing began with Giovanni Agnelli, Fiat's mogul, and
ended with Kenneth Dam. Such regulars as George Ball, Dwayne Andreas and Lord
Carrington were listed.

     The only name on the "personal staff" listing that meant anything to me
was "W. Muller." Charles Muller has been Bilderberg's North American
functionary, operating out of his "Murden Co." office in New York, for at least
a decade. But "W." Muller?

     Nor did I see my friend, "Rog," who made me feel so unwelcome so many
times at the Harrison Conference Center on Long Island in 1990.

     Don't Bilderberg people live forever?

>From THE SPOTLIGHT May 10, 1993

GLOBALISTS BEG: 'LEAVE US ALONE'

     The Bilderberg group made a direct plea to our correspondent to
cease and desist.

By James P. Tucker Jr.


     VOULIAGMENI, Greece--"Good evening, Mr. Tucker," said the dark-haired,
medium-built man of about 40, as he settled himself onto the next stool at a
bar in the Arion Astir Palace.

     "Good evening," I replied. "You apparently know me. May I have the
privilege of knowing who you are?"

     "I'm sorry, I am under instructions to be discreet, but may we talk off
the record for a few moments?"

     "I don't usually talk to people who have no name, and I never talk off
the record," I responded. "We can talk, but nothing is off the record. Every
word I say you can tell Henry, David or any of your Bilderberg cronies."

     He sat in stony silence on this Friday night, April 23, Day Five of my
penetrations of the Bilderberg group, which was meeting behind the guarded
walls of the Nafsika Astir Palace, the brother hotel barely 100 yards away
from where we were staring each other down.

     "I wish we could reach an understanding, some kind of accommodation,"
the Bilderberg staff man finally said. "Every year, wherever in the world we
meet, you are there. Why do you press so hard? Why do you write such angry
stuff? It causes us a great deal of embarrassment, especially those in
government who hear from your readers."

     "First, you tell me," I said. "In the 18 years we at the SPOTLIGHT
have been covering the Bilderberg group, has there been any time--even
once--when there were any factual errors? Has the publisher, Liberty Lobby,
ever said anything about Bilderberg that was in any way untrue?"

     "No, I am not saying that at all," the Bilderbergers' envoy said. "But
you report in an angry way that inflames your readers, and that causes problems
for our members. And, as you know, it is a private meeting, and they very much
prefer it to stay that way. Privacy is a right you take away."

     The entire dialog was being conducted in a quiet, low-key way, neither
of us exhibiting anger or hostility.

     "There are many answers to your claim of the privilege of privacy," I
said. "I will give them to you, one at a time, and invite your response.

     "First, American taxpayers finance, to a significant extent, these
Bilderberg meetings."

     "No, you are wrong," he said. "Members pay their own costs for
travel."

     "No, you are wrong," I insisted. "The American taxpayers pay the cost
of congressmen, and the high officials of the White House, State, Defense, and
Treasury departments gathered here."

     "Now, how could you know that?"

DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE

     "I have held in my hand a copy of a memo signed 'DDE'--as in 'President
Dwight David Eisenhower'--ordering his administrative assistant, Gabriel Hauge,
to attend the Bilderberg meeting in 1955. On the margin of the typed memo, the
president had written 'at gov't expense.' When Henry Kissinger was secretary
of state, I examined a copy of his travel voucher--at government expense. I
could go on, but you get the idea."

     "How could you possibly have come into possession of such papers?" the
Bilderberg man asked.

     "I didn't, personally," I explained. "I am backed in these ventures
by, of course, The SPOTLIGHT and Liberty Lobby, its publisher. This is no
one-man crusade; the whole institution is committed to exposing the
Bilderbergers."

     A momentary silence followed.

     "So, if everybody in government paid their own costs, would you be
satisfied?"

     "Of course not--I told you there are many reasons, and I have only give
you one," I said.

     "Please continue," he said.

BEHIND CLOSED DOORS

     "Bilderberg and the Trilateral Commission--and you need no lessons from
me on the interlocking leadership involved--conduct public business behind
closed doors. They make decisions that affect the lives of every American and
have the power and influence, in most cases, to impose their policies on the
United States and other nations."

     "For example?"

     This came with the slightest hint of a challenge in his voice.

     "Here's a few examples for you:

     "In 1983, The SPOTLIGHT reported the secret pledge the Bilderbergers
extracted from President Reagan, to provide $50 billion to Third World and
communist countries. That pledge was more than kept and became known as the
Brady plan.

     "We've  reported the Bilderberg decision to throw Margaret Thatcher out
as prime minister of Britain because she opposed surrendering British
sovereignty to the European super state, which the Bilderberg group crafted.
And we watched as her own party dumped Mrs. Thatcher in favor of one of your
parrots, John Major.

     "We reported your secret dealings with [Mikhail] Gorbachev when he was
head of what was then the Soviet Union, and foretold the weighty political
shifts that transpired. We reported your order to President [George] Bush to
increase taxes in 1990 and watched him sign off on the tax-hiking 'budget
agreement' that lost him the election. There's more, but I think you can
understand why we insist that Bilderberg business is our business too."

ANNOUNCE YOUR MEETING

     "Tell me, Mr. Tucker. If Bilderberg should agree to meet only in a way
that satisfies you, what would that be?

     "First, you would announce your meetings, the time and location, and
provide the press with a copy of the agenda and a complete list of
participants.

     "Then you would set up a press table where reporters could observe your
meetings and listen to the proceedings, taking notes and using recorders if
they desired.

     "Finally, instead of sealing off an entire hotel, there would be no
guards at all. Reporters would interview participants between sessions and
during the evenings."

     The Bilderberg man shook his head, a resigned look on his face. "You
know we can't do that," he said.

     "Then you may as well become accustomed to my annual visits," I
replied.

     "Good night," he said.

     "Good night."
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